Non-verbal interaction: Time and communication across cultures

In the blog last week, we examined the intriguing topic of voice modulation that is shaped by a complex pattern of expectations, norms, beliefs, and deeply rooted cultural values. This week, we will explore an overview of the relationship between contrasting perceptions of time and non-verbal signalling during everyday interpersonal communication.

Chronemics and interpersonal communication signalling

Chronemics is the study of how time influences interpersonal communication that includes several elements such as pace, duration, the use of reflective pauses, and behavioural norms such as punctuality. The importance of this subject is that cultural perceptions of time play a critical role in everyday interactions as it shapes expectations during the transmission of non-verbal signalling.

Moreover, the rate of communication can either enable or inhibit the transmission of a message. Should the rate be too rapid key aspects of communication can be difficult to follow, while a slow flat delivery can provoke a sense of irritation, boredom or disinterest in the listener.

Then, the relentless expansion of digital interactions has promoted the acceptance of instant messaging in which the flow of time becomes ever faster. Simultaneously, the speed of response can be interpreted as providing insights into the emotions of both the communicator and receiver in relation to the value of the message. For example, an immediate response might indicate interest in the content, while a delayed reply could be interpreted as a sign of some lack of value in the content or respect for the sender.

Cultural influences on the perception of time

While time, to varying degrees, provides a regulating framework by which events are planned and measured in all societies, the perception, interpretation, and application to daily life varies significantly across cultures. Moreover, these differences have a profound impact on behaviour and expectations during interpersonal interactions.

In this context, the American anthropologist, Edward Hall, defined what he called social time as the silent language of cultures. He also maintained that formal patterns of interpersonal expectations relating to time are rarely, if ever, explicitly articulated by members of society. Therefore, acquiring competence when attempting some degree of adaptation to these often-curious interpretations of time indicators can represent a significant challenge for those in an unfamiliar cultural context.

Monochronic vs. Polychronic time orientation

However, for those seeking more immediate information on contrasting cultural perceptions of time, two explanatory models can provide an informative initial practical guide. The first explores the distinction between what is called monochronic and polychronic time orientation.

In the context of monochronic time, members prefer to complete tasks in logical linear steps that have been previously scheduled into some pre-planned sequence. Then, time is also experienced as continuously flowing into the past that cannot be revisited. Thus, time commitments are treated seriously while strict emphasis is placed on promptness. Nations that reflect a monochronic time orientation include the Netherlands, Switzerland, the USA, Germany, and Japan.

In contrast, the polychronic perception inclines members to attempt several actions at any one time by jumping from one task or issue to another prior to completion. Thus, those inclined towards this orientation tend to demonstrate a more flexible interpretation of time and feel comfortable changing plans often without experiencing undue anxiety. Finally, promptness tends to be based on the perceived importance of interpersonal relationships and levels of hierarchical authority. Examples of polychronic cultures includes China, Southeast Asia, the Arab cluster of Nations, Latin America, and most countries in the sub-Saharan Africa.

Linear vs. Cyclical time

The second organising model of time reflects the contrast between what are labelled as linear and cyclical perceptions. For example, in the Western cluster of Nations time is typically viewed as an expression of movement that has a distinctive beginning, middle or event, and end. Therefore, time allocation is regarded as the management of a limited resource which continuously flows into the past and cannot be recovered.

Alternatively, for example in East Asian cultures such as China, the cyclical experience of time predominates. In this model, events and commitments can somewhat mysteriously be revisited making it possible to comfortably reschedule arrangements without the risk of upsetting people or signally negative impressions. Consequently, far less emphasis is placed on strict conformity to schedules while time allocation and commitments are experienced as something ideally desirable rather than a fixed unalterable agreement.

Behavioural variations of punctuality across cultures

Both punctuality and lateness can be seen as a form of behavioural signalling that varies in meaning dependent upon a range of complex social norms and expectations. Here it is important to note that interpretation of being ‘on time’ are somewhat surprisingly not specifically related to personality, social class, status, or other personal factors. Rather, acceptable levels of punctuality and lateness do seem to be broadly aligned with levels of development with less developed nations being generally more relaxed about time keeping.

Clock time vs. Event time

Furthermore, variations in behaviour can be further explained by reference to a contrast between what is called clock time and event time. In the context of clock time, activities are scheduled and determining literally by the clock. Time is perceived as a resource as if it were a tangible commodity that can be earned, spent, traded, saved, or wasted.

Conversely, in event time cultures the focus shifts to the impact of actions on interpersonal relationships. In this context, the use of time is far less strictly adhered to while members prioritise social obligations while avoiding offending others.

Then, more specifically, in some culture’s punctuality is so culturally ingrained that even being one minute late can trigger a minor sensation of near panic. For example, one comical comment in this regard is that the Japanese have now elevated being on time to a near Olympic sport. This attitude is similarly reflected in nations such as South Korea, the USA, Germany, and Switzerland.

In contrast, in the Philippines, punctuality is often perceived as more of a suggestion rather than some strict rule that demands conformity. Similarly, Brazilians often regard being late as not only acceptable but generally expected to the point where being on time could be considered anti-social as it disrupts the life of others. Finally, what is called Indian Standard Time is often referred to in the local context as Indian Stretchable Time. For example, business meetings or social gatherings only start when everyone has arrived rather than adhering to any clock-based schedule.

To conclude, the examples listed above only reflect a small number of the endless variations in cross-cultural perceptions of the management of time and consequential non-verbal signalling. For those wishing to learn more about this fascinating topic, the book, ‘A Geography of Time: On Tempo, Culture, and the Pace of Life’ by Robert Levine, would provide a comprehensive, informative, and at times amusing introduction.

---

Question 1

Could contrasting perceptions of time orientation trigger interpersonal conflict?

Question 2

Why might adapting to unfamiliar time expectations and norms be initially challenging?

Question 3

What would be the everyday importance of learning cross-cultural emotional signalling?

---

We shall explore Question 3 in the next blog.